The handbook of second language acquisition, Filologia angielska, Nauczanie języka angielskiego
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The Handbook of Second Language Acquisition
Contributors
I : Overview
II : Capacity and Representation
III : Environments for SLA
IV : Processes in SLA
V : Biological and Psychological Constraints
VI : Resreach Methods
VII : The State of SLA
Contributors : The Handbook of Second Language Acquisition : Blackwell Reference ...
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Contributors
Subject
Psycholinguistics
Ç
Language Acquisition
DOI:
10.1111/b.9781405132817.2005.00001.x
Niclas Abrahamsson Stockholm University
Craig Chaudron University of Hawai'i
Robert M. Dekeyser University of Pittsburg
Zoltan D
n Drnyei
rnyei University of Nottingham
Catherine J. Doughty University of Maryland
Nick C. Ellis Michigan State University of Wales
Susan M. Gass Michigan State University
Kevin R. Gregg Momoyama Gakuin/St Andrew's University
Jan H. Hulstijn University of Amsterdam
Kenneth Hyltenstam Stockholm University
Judith F. Kroll Pennsylvania State University
Michael H. Long University of Maryland
Sarah Nielsen Las Positas College
John Norris Northern Arizona University
Terence Odlin Ohio State University
William O'Grady University fo Hawai'i
Lourdes Ortega Northern Arizona University
Manfred Pienemann Paderborn University
Peter Robinson Aoyama Gakuin University
Suzanne Romaine Merton College, University of Oxford
Norman Segalowitz Concordia University
Jeff Siegel University of New England, Armadale, and University of Hawai'i
Peter Skehan King's College, London
Antonella Sorace University of Edinburgh
Gretchen Sunderman University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
14.11.2007
Niclas Abrahamsson
Craig Chaudron
Robert M. Dekeyser
Zolta
n D
rnyei
Catherine J. Doughty
Nick C. Ellis
Susan M. Gass
Kevin R. Gregg
Jan H. Hulstijn
Kenneth Hyltenstam
Judith F. Kroll
Michael H. Long
Sarah Nielsen
Sarah Nielsen
John Norris
Terence Odlin
William O'Grady
Lourdes Ortega
Lourdes Ortega
Manfred Pienemann
Peter Robinson
Suzanne Romaine
Norman Segalowitz
Norman Segalowitz
Jeff Siegel
Peter Skehan
Antonella Sorace
Gretchen Sunderman
Contributors : The Handbook of Second Language Acquisition : Blackwell Reference ...
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Karen Ann Watsom-Gegeo
Gegeo Imoversotu pf California, Davis
Lydia White McGill Unversity
Cite this article
"Contributors." The Handbook of Second Language Acquisition. Doughty, Catherine J. and Michael H. Long
(eds). Blackwell Publishing, 2005. Blackwell Reference Online. 14 November 2007
id=g9781405132817_chunk_g97814051328171>
Bibliographic Details
The Handbook of Second Language Acquisition
Handbook of Second Language Acquisition
Edited by: Catherine J. Doughty And Michael H. Long
eISBN:
eISBN: 9781405132817
Print publication
Print publication date:
date: 2005
14.11.2007
Karen Ann Watsom
Karen Ann Watsom
Gegeo
Lydia White
The
Edited by:
eISBN:
Print publication
date:
1. The Scope of Inquiry and Goals of SLA : The Handbook of Second Language Acqu...
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1. The Scope of Inquiry and Goals of SLA
CATHERINE J. DOUGHTY
AND
AND
MICHAEL H. LONG
Subject
Psycholinguistics
Ç
Language Acquisition
DOI:
10.1111/b.9781405132817.2005.00002.x
1 The Scope of Inquiry
The scope of second language acquisition (SLA) is broad. It encompasses basic and applied work on
the acquisition and loss of second (third, etc.) languages and dialects by children and adults, learning
naturalistically and/or with the aid of formal instruction, as individuals or in groups, in foreign,
second language, and lingua franca settings (see, e.g., R.
Ellis, 1994
;
Gass and Selinker, 2001
;
Gregg,
1994
;
Jordens and Lalleman, 1988
;
W. Klein, 1986
;
Larsen-Freeman, 1991
;
Larsen-Freeman and
Long, 1991
;
Ritchie and Bhatia, 1996
;
Towell and Hawkins, 1994
). Research methods employed run
the gamut from naturalistic observation in field settings, through descriptive and quasi-experimental
studies of language learning in classrooms or via distance education, to experimental laboratory work
and computer simulations.
Researchers enter SLA with graduate training in a variety of fields, including linguistics, applied
linguistics, psychology, communication, foreign language education, educational psychology, and
anthropology, as well as, increasingly, in SLA per se, and bring with them a wide range of theoretical
and methodological allegiances. The 1980s and 1990s witnessed a steady increase in sophistication
in the choice of data-collection procedures and analyses employed, some of them original to SLA
researchers (see, e.g.,
Birdsong, 1989
; Chaudron, this volume;
Doughty and Long, 2000
; Faerch and
Kasper, 1987;
Sorace, 1996
;
Tarone, Gass, and Cohen, 1994
), and also in the ways SLA is measured
(
Bachman and Cohen, 1998
; Norris and Ortega, this volume). However, longitudinal studies of
children (e.g.,
Huebner, 1983a
, 1983b; F.
Klein, 1981
;
Sato, 1990
;
Watson-Gegeo, 1992)
and adults
(e.g.,
Iwashita, 2001
;
Liceras, Maxwell, Laguardia, Fernandez, Fernandez, and Diaz, 1997
;
Schmidt,
1983)
are distressingly rare; the vast majority of SLA studies are cross-sectional, with serious
resulting limitations on the conclusions that can be drawn on some important issues. Theory
proliferation remains a weakness, too, but the experience of more mature disciplines in overcoming
this and related teething problems is gradually being brought to bear (see, e.g.,
Beretta, 1991
;
Beretta
and Crookes, 1993
;
Crookes, 1992
;
Gregg, 1993, 1996, 2000
, this volume;
Gregg, Long, Jordan, and
Beretta, 1997
;
Jordan, 2002
;
Long, 1990a, 1993
, forthcoming a).
1
As reflected in the contributions to this volume (see also Robinson, 2001), much current SLA research
and theorizing shares a strongly cognitive orientation, while varying from nativist, both special
(linguistic) and general, to various kinds of functional, emergentist, and connectionist positions. The
focus is firmly on identifying the nature and sources of the underlying L2 knowledge system, and on
explaining developmental success and failure. Performance data are inevitably the researchersÔ
mainstay, but understanding underlying competence, not the external verbal behavior that depends
on that competence, is the ultimate goal. Researchers recognize that SLA takes place in a social
context, of course, and accept that it can be influenced by that context, both micro and macro.
However, they also recognize that language learning, like any other learning, is ultimately a matter of
change in an individual's internal mental state. As such, research on SLA is increasingly viewed as a
14.11.2007
CATHERINE J. DOUGHTY
MICHAEL H. LONG
AND
1. The Scope of Inquiry and Goals of SLA : The Handbook of Second Language Acqu...
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branch of cognitive science.
2 The Goals: Why Study SLA?
Second language acquisition Ï naturalistic, instructed, or both Ï has long been a common activity for a
majority of the human species and is becoming ever more vital as second languages themselves
increase in importance. In many parts of the world, monolingualism, not bilingualism or
multilingualism, is the marked case. The 300Ï400 million people whose native language is English,
for example, are greatly outnumbered by the 1Ï2 billion people for whom it is an official second
language. Countless children grow up in societies where they are exposed to one language in the
home, sometimes two, another when they travel to a nearby town to attend primary or secondary
school, and a third or fourth if they move to a larger city or another province for tertiary education or
for work.
Where literacy training or even education altogether is simply unavailable in a group's native
language, or where there are just too many languages to make it economically viable to offer either in
all of them, as is the case in Papua New Guinea and elsewhere in the Pacific (
Siegel, 1996, 1997,
1999
, this volume), some federal and state governments and departments of education mandate use
of a regional lingua franca or of an official national language as the medium of instruction. Such
situations are sometimes recognized in state constitutions, and occasionally even in an official federal
language policy, as in Australia (
Lo Bianco, 1987
); all mean that SLA is required of students, and often
of their teachers, as well.
Elsewhere, a local variety of a language may be actively suppressed or stigmatized, sometimes even
by people who speak it natively themselves, resulting in a need for widespread second dialect
acquisition (SDA) for educational, employment, and other purposes. Examples include Hawai'i Creole
English (
Reynolds, 1999
; Sato, 1985, 1989;
Wong, 1999
), Aboriginal English in Australia (
Eades, 1992
;
Haig, 2001
;
Malcolm, 1994
), and African-American Vernacular English in the USA (
Long, 1999
;
Morgan, 1999
;
Rickford, 2000
). In such cases, a supposedly ÑstandardÒ variety may be prescribed in
educational settings, despite the difficulty of defining a spoken standard objectively, and despite the
notorious track record of attempts to legislate language change. The prescribed varieties are second
languages or dialects for the students, and as in part of the Solomon Islands (
Watson-Gegeo, 1992
;
Watson-Gegeo and Nielsen, this volume), once again, sometimes for their teachers, too, with a
predictably negative effect on educational achievement. In a more positive development, while
language death throughout the world continues at an alarming pace, increasing numbers of children
in some countries attend various kinds of additive bilingual, additive bidialectal, or immersion
programs designed to promote first language maintenance, SLA, or cultural revitalization (see, e.g.,
Fishman, 2001
;
Huebner and Davis, 1999
;
Philipson, 2000
;
Sato, 1989
;
Warner, 2001
).
SLA and SDA are not just common experiences for the world's children, of course. More and more
adults are becoming second language or second dialect learners voluntarily for the purposes of
international travel, higher education, and marriage. For increasing numbers of others, the experience
is thrust upon them. Involuntary SLA may take the fairly harmless form of satisfying a school or
university foreign language requirement, but regrettably often it has more sinister causes. Each year,
tens of millions of people are obliged to learn a second language or another variety of their own
language because they are members of an oppressed ethnolinguistic minority, because forced to
migrate across linguistic borders in a desperate search for work, or worse, due to war, drought,
famine, religious persecution, or ethnic cleansing. Whatever they are seeking or fleeing, almost all
refugees and migrants need to reach at least a basic threshold proficiency level in a second language
simply to survive in their new environment. Most require far more than that, however, if they wish to
succeed in their new environment or to become members of the new culture. States and citizens,
scholars and laypersons alike recognize that learning a society's language is a key part of both
acculturation and socialization. Finally, less visibly, economic globalization and progressively more
insidious cultural homogenization affect most people, knowingly or not, and each is transmitted
through national languages within countries and through just a few languages, especially English at
present, at the international level.
Any experience that touches so many people is worthy of serious study, especially when success or
failure can so fundamentally affect life chances. However, the obvious social importance of second
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